Democratic Republic Congo Essay

Democratic Republic Congo Essay-49
Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over $1.14bn (UN, 2018).Concerned about a lack of commitment from the DRC government in bringing the Hutu genocidaires to justice and protecting Tutsis, Rwanda (aided by Uganda) invaded the DRC in 1996 leading to a bloody conflict which became known as ‘Africa’s World War’ (Ibid: 417-437). || Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over $1.14bn (UN, 2018). .14bn (UN, 2018).

Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over $1.14bn (UN, 2018).Concerned about a lack of commitment from the DRC government in bringing the Hutu genocidaires to justice and protecting Tutsis, Rwanda (aided by Uganda) invaded the DRC in 1996 leading to a bloody conflict which became known as ‘Africa’s World War’ (Ibid: 417-437). || Recognising the role of neighbouring governments like the RPF in funding and supporting rebel groups in the area the PCSF was signed in 2013 (Berdal, 2017: 14), committing all DRC’s neighbours to a principle of non-interference, and to support Kabila’s government in regaining its sovereignty in eastern Congo.The UN Mission in the DRC began with the creation of MONUC to monitor the Lusaka Ceasefire in 1999, and by 2017 it was the UN’s largest peacebuilding mission, employing over 21,726 personnel and commanding a budget of over $1.14bn (UN, 2018). .14bn (UN, 2018).

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Finally, I argue that the UN’s strategy furthermore not only overlooked the role of the FARDC as a significant spoiler, constraining its effectiveness in the management of spoilers, but UNFIB’s actions in collaboration with the Congolese army facilitated its spoiling behaviour, making its overall effect negative.

Spoilers Stedman’s definition states that ‘spoilers’ are “leaders/parties that believe peace emerging from negotiations threatens their power, worldview or interests, and use violence to prevent it” (1997: 6).

The force was made up of 3096 soldiers from Tanzania, South Africa and Malawi, and included a reconnaissance and air artillery unit.

The significance of UNFIB lies in its recognised position of marking a UN first, and perhaps even the creation of a new precedent, in the extent of its capabilities and mandate to find and destroy ‘negative forces’ to the peace process (Murphy, 2016: 209-246).

They routinely use violence against each other, civilians and the national government.

The Mai-Mai for instance are implicated in the ethnic cleansing of 34 civilians in Luhanga on November 28 2016 (DW, 2016).

This essay begins by outlining the analytical framework pertaining to the concept of ‘spoilers’, before giving an overview of the political and military situation in the DRC, as well as an account of UNFIB.

The essay then proceeds in three parts, assessing the impact on the main spoilers to the PCSF: ‘outside’ rebel groups, the Rwandan government under the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and the Congolese army (the FARDC).

However, despite these agreements, and elections in 20 (both won, amidst allegations of vote-rigging, by Joseph Kabila (Tull, 2018: 172)), violence and insecurity has continued to ravage eastern DRC, specifically the provinces of Ituri and North/South Kivu.

This violence takes place between a multitude of armed groups and government/UN forces, and has involved considerable atrocities against civilians (over 680 civilians killed between October 2014 and September 2016 alone in a series of massacres (HRW, 2016)).

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